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I learned of this book through the citations of another book, and although I'm glad I read it, I found it a little disappointing. Its main weakness was Twight failing to provide a real definition of Fascism before proceeding to declare various laws, executive orders, and other developments within the United States as "fascist." Unfortunately, "fascist" has become a common term with which to label one's opponents or any person or policy one disagrees with or disapproves of. Labeling the United States "fascist" can be shocking to some or trigger others to lump the person doing so in with a certain crowd. In the end, Twight uses the term correctly, but one has to guess at her working definition through inference. The closest thing she gives to a definition is that Fascism is collectivism, but a collectivist system that "uses features of capitalism insofar as they do not conflict with the national interest as formulated by fascism's political authorities" (p 16, emphasis in original). She makes sidelong reference to Benito Mussolini's Italy, Adolph Hitler's Germany, and Imperial Japan as other examples of Fascism throughout. Of course, Mussolini's party is the only one ever named Fascist and therefore the standard against which to measure all other contenders; Hitler's was National Socialist, like many others around the world (Ba'athists, Maoists, Ataturkists, Fidel Castro's system, etc.), though National Socialism certainly bears a number of commonalities with Fascism. Imperial Japan's economy (and it is economics with which Twight is principally concerned) was more-than-not free market until the late 1930s, at which time it began to more closely resemble the sort described herein by Twight. At least she could have spelled out Corporatism, Fascism's economic principle, in some detail before proceeding.
Twight identifies the means in which Fascism's Corporatism essentially imposes political control over the entire economy without nominally nationalizing assets or abolishing private property or other freedoms. A system of data collection, licensing, government-private party councils, wage, price, and quality controls, and the ability of government elected officials--or even just appointed bureaucrats--to intervene "in the national interest" or "in time of crisis" to ensure "safe," "reasonable," "fair," "just," etc., enable totalitarian-level control without the heavy hand of Socialism or Communism. Indeed, much of the control extended by Fascism comes through "voluntary" participation, though there is heavy pressure to the voluntarism and usually a coercive measure that could be employed should the pressured individuals/groups not "voluntarily" decide to go along...
Twight provides a well-cited in-depth analysis of several laws, executive orders, and other actions by the national-level of the U.S. federal system to take over much of the states' sovereignty, regulate aspects of private action beyond that enumerated in the Constitution, and otherwise revolutionize the American way of life without upsetting large numbers of people or generating powerful opposition.
Twight uses ample examples to point out Fascism's preference for working with big business and cartels (though she does not explore big business' own preference for Fascistic intervention to protect themselves from upstart competition), which goes a long way to explaining the slide toward franchises and box stores in the United States. After all, for a major corporation to hire another compliance attorney does not even move the needle on profit, whereas for a mom-and-pop shop to even hire a full-time attorney would cost as much or more than the return on investment.
Twight concurrently points out how, in the name of championing labor rights, Fascist governments actually suppress labor strikes and other such disturbances, as they are clearly contrary to the "national interest."
Twight repeatedly walks the reader through Fascism's focus on autarky as part of its nationalism. This attempt at autarky predictably leads to impoverishing the Fascist country's own population, while instigating conflict with trading partners that eventually and inevitably leads to war.
Twight successfully discusses a number of points, some very technical, in understandable terms and many people could profitably read this book. However, the points into which she delves deeply would likely bore many casual readers. Those interested in governance, economics, or the political and economic state and trajectory of the United States would likely find this a rewarding effort. Those in favor of freedom will find it a horrifying read, and those in favor of Statism will find it a useful how-to manual. It flaws invite a new attempt at this argument, which would also permit updating the examples used and perhaps even an analysis of the changes since she published this work. A good read, but not on the must-read list.